Tag Archives: Memory

MEMORY, IN BLOOM

Harold Bloom said every strong writer swerves from a precursor. A machine trained on nearly everything has no reason to.

Homer is two great poems with no certain person behind them. Harold Bloom was a certain person whose monument was his memory of other people’s poems, and whose theory held that a writer survives that inheritance only by misreading it on purpose. A language model is the third term: more memory than either, made by no single hand, and no one in it.

By Michael Cummins, Editor, October 11, 2026


IThe Man Who Read Everything

Nothing reliable is known about the life of Homer. The ancient lives of the poet disagree with one another, and modern scholars treat him, in the words of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, as “primarily a projection of the great poems themselves.” The poems came out of a tradition of singers who inherited their phrases from earlier singers and composed as they sang, retelling the anger of Achilles and the long voyage home for generations, each singer answering for his own performance. At some point in the sixth century BCE, Britannica suggests, a complete version may have been fixed as the standard for the recitation contests at the Athenian festival of the Panathenaea, and the remembered poem became a written one. The two founding poems of Western literature have a name on them and no certain person behind them.

Harold Bloom called himself “a monster” of reading. He said he could read, and absorb, a 400-page book in an hour, and by his own account he knew by heart the whole of Shakespeare, Milton’s Paradise Lost and all of Blake, as Dinitia Smith reported in his New York Times obituary in 2019. Alex Lanz, reviewing Bloom’s collected literary letters in September, calls such stories “tall tales.” The letters appeared in May under a title that repeats the legend anyway: The Man Who Read Everything.

Bloom is the reverse case. There is no doubt that he lived, and his monument is not a poem or a novel but a memory. He wrote criticism by the shelf and one novel, which he came to regret. Verse he left alone. “To try to write in verse would have been a kind of trespass,” he told The Paris Review in 1991. Homer and Bloom face each other across the tradition: the works without a certain man, and a certain man whose great work was keeping other people’s.

I came to Harold Bloom late, and by way of a review. In 2016, by the notes I kept that year, I read about his book The Anatomy of Influence and bought a used copy. It was a book he called his final reflection on influence, and it defined influence “simply as literary love, tempered by defense.” I did not yet know that the defense was the famous part. Bloom wrote there about Wallace Stevens and his long poem “Notes Toward a Supreme Fiction,” and I went to the poem and was captivated. I wanted to know who had sent me. Reading about Bloom, I learned that the first book he ever owned was Hart Crane’s Collected Poems, which he had found as a boy in a branch of the Bronx library and which his oldest sister gave him for his twelfth birthday. So I read Crane, beginning with “To Brooklyn Bridge.” From Stevens and Crane I went back to the Romantic poets Bloom traced them to, and from the Romantics to Shakespeare. I owe my love of literature to Harold Bloom. He is also why I came, in time, to writing essays and fiction.

In his letters, Bloom refused the title of critic. “Lord knows what I am,” he wrote to the poet John Hollander in 1975, as Lanz quotes the letter. He was not, he went on, a poet, critic, scholar or historian, nor a psychoanalyst, philosopher or theosophist, but “a worthless mélange of the gang of it.” To A. R. Ammons he was more exact. He was not an artist or a critic, or a hybrid of the two, “but something odder and less, a reader.” The reader was born in New York in 1930 to Yiddish-speaking parents and taught at Yale from 1955 until his death in 2019.

For most readers, having read everything would be the reward. For Bloom it was the problem. The Anxiety of Influence, in 1973, held that a poet arrives late, after the dead have said everything and said it well, and makes room only by misreading a precursor on purpose. He argued it first in letters. In January 1969 he was writing to Northrop Frye, the most celebrated critic of his generation, and Frye was not persuaded. If Bloom meant influence in the literal sense, the passing of thought and imagery from an earlier poet to a later one, Frye wrote, then that was “simply something that happens.” Bloom answered four days later. “I don’t, as you say, mean influence in any literal sense.” What he meant, in Lanz’s account of the reply, was the poet’s isolation before a tradition that hangs overhead, and the “implicit, creative misinterpretation” that isolation forces.

There is now a third kind of reader, and it completes the figure. A language model is trained on a large share of what has been written down and is within reach, a memory larger than Bloom’s in a plain sense, and like the Homeric tradition it was made by no single hand. Unlike either, it is no one. Frye’s sentence describes its relation to its sources completely. It takes in their thought and imagery and passes them on, and nothing in how it is trained rewards misreading them in order to stand apart. I now write essays and fiction with such a reader, and this essay was drafted with one. The man who read everything is no longer a tall tale, and he is not a man. Bloom and the machine can be compared point by point, and at each point the difference is the same one.

IIHeld by Heart

Bloom’s memory, whatever its true size, had one property the stories pass over. It kept names. The classicist James Romm wrote after Bloom’s death that “his mind was itself a library,” and that “He quoted at length, from memory, passages he had lived with for decades.” A library is not a heap. Every book in it is shelved under an author. When Bloom recited Milton, the lines came back as Milton’s, from a particular poem, written at a particular time against particular rivals. Psychologists call the faculty involved source monitoring: the work, mostly unnoticed, of deciding where a memory or a piece of knowledge came from.

A language model holds what it was trained on in another way. Training does not file texts away to be looked up, though some, often repeated, can come back word for word. It adjusts a very large set of numbers until the model is good at predicting the next word of all of them at once, and what any one author contributed is spread through the whole. A model can often say who wrote a famous line, because the attribution was in the text too. Nothing in the design keeps each source apart under its name. The failure shows most where names matter, in citations, and giving a model a search engine has not yet cured it. In a study published in September 2023, 55 percent of the citations GPT-3.5 gave in short literature reviews were to works that did not exist, and 18 percent of those GPT-4 gave. In March 2025 the Tow Center for Digital Journalism at Columbia gave eight AI search tools real excerpts from news articles and asked where each came from. The tools “provided incorrect answers to more than 60 percent of queries,” though they could search the web as they answered.

The strongest case against this comparison is that human memory keeps its sources less reliably than a library does. In oral traditions like the one that made Homer’s poems, a song had no author, though a singer knew whom he had learned it from. When Milman Parry and Albert Lord recorded singers in Yugoslavia in the 1930s, one of them, Đemo Zogić, said that a song he had learned from another singer, Suljo Makić, was “The same song, word for word and line for line.” They recorded both men, and Lord found two versions of one story, not one text. Zogić had kept his source and lost the words. A model, which sometimes keeps the words of a text exactly, is apt to lose the source. But a writer can lose a source. In the fall of 1891 Helen Keller, then eleven, wrote a story called “The Frost King” as a birthday present for Michael Anagnos, the director of the Perkins Institution for the Blind. He published it. Early in 1892 it was found to follow closely a story by Margaret Canby, “The Frost Fairies,” which had apparently been read to Keller, spelled into her hand, in the summer of 1888. Keller had, she later wrote, “not the faintest recollection” of it. “I thought then that I was ‘making up a story,’” she recalled. In the winter of 1892 she was questioned by a court of eight teachers and officers of the school. They divided four to four, and Anagnos, by his own account, cast his vote in her favor. Canby wrote to her kindly: “Some day you will write a great story out of your own head.” Keller never forgot the court. In The Story of My Life, in 1903, she wrote that she had “ever since been tortured by the fear that what I write is not my own.” Psychologists have long had a name for what happened to her, cryptomnesia: something remembered and taken for one’s own invention.

Two things follow, and they cut in different directions. The first is that the difference between Bloom and the machine is not perfect memory against imperfect memory. Nobody’s sources stay perfectly apart, and keeping them apart is, for a machine, an engineering problem: engineers are building systems that look up their sources and cite them, the Tow Center’s tools among them, and those systems will improve. The second is what Keller’s fear shows. She minded. Whose words they were was, for her, the question of who she was, and she carried it for the rest of her life. That is the anxiety Bloom built his theory on, and it needs both things at once: the sources held apart, and a self that cannot bear to be confused with them. The machine lacks the first for now. Nothing in how it is built supplies the second.

IIIThe Sedulous Ape

Before writers swerve from their masters, they copy them, and they say so. The earliest known poem by John Keats, written in 1814, is called “Imitation of Spenser.” Robert Louis Stevenson described his own apprenticeship in 1887: “I have thus played the sedulous ape to Hazlitt, to Lamb, to Wordsworth,” and to six more. “It was so Keats learned,” he added. Joan Didion told The Paris Review in 1978 that at fifteen or sixteen she “would type out his stories to learn how the sentences worked.” She meant Hemingway’s. Copying is so old a method that it has been caught copying itself. In Tristram Shandy, Laurence Sterne complained of writers who make new books “as apothecaries make new mixtures, by pouring only out of one vessel into another.” The sentence was poured from Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy, and the physician John Ferriar, who caught it in 1793, found it “very singular” that Sterne had chosen that passage to “abuse Plagiarists.”

The fullest account of the method is Benjamin Franklin’s. As a boy he found an odd volume of The Spectator, made short notes of the sense of each essay, set them aside for some days, and then tried to rebuild the essays in his own words. Then, he wrote, “I compared my Spectator with the original, discovered some of my faults, and corrected them.” He turned the essays into verse and back again, and jumbled his notes to teach himself “method in the arrangement of thoughts.” In 1939 Raymond Chandler told Erle Stanley Gardner that he had learned the same way from one of Gardner’s stories: a detailed synopsis, a rewrite, and then “compared what I had with yours,” and rewrote it some more.

A language model’s training is Franklin’s exercise, run over a large share of everything written. The model is shown the beginning of a text, predicts the next word, is compared with the original, and is corrected, again and again, until its predictions miss as seldom as training can make them. No apprentice ever copied on that scale. But Franklin’s account has a sentence that training does not. Sometimes, comparing his version with the original, he had the pleasure of fancying that he had been “lucky enough to improve the method or the language.” In the training that teaches a model to predict, there is no such category. Every difference from the original counts as a fault, and every correction runs toward the source. The later stages of training, which reward the answers people prefer, can make an answer better than any one source, but better in the direction of what most readers like.

The writers who copied knew where the method stopped. Stevenson raised the objection himself, that copying is not the way to be original, and granted it: “It is not; nor is there any way but to be born so.” T. S. Eliot, in 1920, put the next step in a maxim that is usually quoted only by halves. “Immature poets imitate; mature poets steal,” he wrote. Bad poets deface what they take, and “good poets make it into something better, or at least something different.” Copying is the apprenticeship. The swerve is the graduation, and every account of it is an account of a difference kept on purpose.

IVDice of Drowned Men’s Bones

Bloom found Crane at ten or eleven, in that branch library in the Bronx. “I was just swept away by it, by the Marlovian rhetoric,” he told The Paris Review in 1991. The poet who swept him away had once been asked, in print, to explain what his lines meant.

In 1926 Crane sent a short poem, “At Melville’s Tomb,” to Harriet Monroe, who edited Poetry in Chicago. It opens with Melville watching the sea: “The dice of drowned men’s bones he saw bequeath / An embassy.” Monroe was no enemy of the new; her magazine had printed T. S. Eliot’s “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock” in 1915. But she could not see how dice could bequeath anything. “Take me for a hard-boiled, unimaginative, unpoetic reader,” she wrote, and tell me how dice can bequeath an embassy. The last stanza troubled her too, where “Compass, quadrant and sextant contrive / No farther tides.” Instruments do not contrive tides, she objected: “they merely record them, I believe.”

A moonlit shore at night. Small bone dice lie scattered on the wet sand; one, lit by a nearby lantern, trails a thin gold thread through the surf toward a wrecked sailing ship in the waves. On a rock at left an old man with white hair sits with his back to us, a closed book on his knee, watching the sea. Far off on the right, the moonlight on the water breaks into a lattice of cold blue-white light.
The Dice of Drowned Men’s Bones. Hart Crane’s image from “At Melville’s Tomb” (1926): bones the sea grinds into dice, “having ‘numbers’ but no identification,” the last trace of messages the dead never delivered. Made for the essay.

Crane answered at length. The dice, he explained, were the bones of drowned sailors, ground into little cubes by the sea and thrown up on the sand, “having ‘numbers’ but no identification.” They were all that was left of messages the dead had never delivered, and so an embassy. “Dice as a symbol of chance and circumstance is also implied.” Then he stated the principle. As a poet, he wrote, he cared more for “the illogical impingements of the connotations of words on the consciousness” than for their “logically rigid significations.” Monroe printed the poem, her letter and his answer together, in the issue of October 1926.

Her letter is a precise description of a certain kind of reader, and she wrote it honestly. She asked of each phrase what it would most likely mean, and when a phrase had no likely meaning, she asked the poet to supply one. A language model does something narrower and far larger. Given a run of words, it ranks every word that might come next by how likely it is, given everything it was trained on. Nothing in that ranking is hostile to Crane. Crane’s letter, too, is likely to be in a model’s training, and asked about the dice a model will usually explain them well. But explaining the dice is not writing them. A line in which every word is the likeliest one has no impingements in it at all.

The comparison has to face Homer, because the Homeric poems were built, in part, from likely phrases. In 1930 Parry defined the formula of oral poetry as a group of words “regularly employed under the same metrical conditions to express a given essential idea”: swift-footed Achilles, rosy-fingered Dawn, phrases a singer reached for because they fit the place in the line. Much of the Iliad is made of them. But the formulas were the language, not the song. In 1935 Lord asked Avdo Međedović, the most celebrated singer he and Parry recorded, to listen to Mumin Vlahovljak sing a song Avdo had never heard, 2,294 lines long. Avdo then sang it himself, at 6,313 lines. Mumin Vlahovljak’s song had become Avdo’s, and he stood behind it. “An oral poem is not composed for but in performance,” Lord wrote. Every performance had a singer in it, and the singer answered for the song.

VThe Swerve That Costs

Crane’s dice imply chance, and so does the word Bloom chose for the first of his terms. In the second book of De Rerum Natura, Lucretius imagines the atoms falling straight down through the void, side by side, never meeting, until a tiny swerve brings them into collision and the world begins. In William Ellery Leonard’s translation of 1916, it comes “In no fixed line of space, in no fixed time.” Lucretius’s clinamen is uncaused, though he makes it the ground of free will. Bloom made it a deliberate act against a named precursor. In The Anxiety of Influence the swerve is the later poet’s corrective misreading of the earlier one, the first of six “revisionary ratios” that run from clinamen to apophrades, the return of the dead.

Crane described his own swerve before Bloom had a word for it. Writing to his friend Gorham Munson at the turn of 1923, he said of T. S. Eliot that “His pessimism is amply justified, in his own case.” Crane meant to take from Eliot “as much of his erudition and technique as I can absorb,” and then: “I take Eliot as a point of departure toward an almost complete reverse of direction.” The goal, he wrote, was “ecstatic.” The poem that came of it was The Bridge. Every element of Bloom’s theory is in the letter: a named precursor, admired and absorbed, and a turn whose direction the poet can state.

A language model has a swerve of Lucretius’s kind. Having ranked the possible next words, it usually draws one by chance, weighted by their odds, and a setting called temperature reshapes those odds, deciding how often the unlikely words are drawn. That is dice without the embassy. When Monroe challenged Crane’s dice, there was someone to answer for them, and his departure from Eliot carries meaning because he could say whom he was leaving, and in which direction. The chance in sampling has no precursor it is turning from, and no one to answer for the turn.

In Bloom’s letters, the turn has a cost. In 1962 John Ashbery published The Tennis Court Oath, and Bloom called it “a fearful disaster.” Ashbery did not argue. In October 1972 he wrote to Bloom that he had not wanted “to become my own disciple,” and that the anxiety of influence, in his case, “reaches agony proportions.” The precursor he was refusing, by his own account, was the poet of his first book. A year later he sent Bloom the proofs of a long poem he had been “dissatisfied with” for a long time and had revised a great deal. It was “Self-Portrait in a Convex Mirror.” Bloom’s reply, when it came a year after that, was a single line: “Self-Portrait is so great a book that even my remarks are inadequate to it.” The swerve, in that exchange, is not a technique. It is a risk taken by a particular writer, against a particular past, which can fail, and, by Bloom’s account, which Ashbery did not dispute, once did.

The theory’s author once paid that cost himself. In Agon, in 1982, as Michael Weingrad quotes him, Bloom wrote that he had read David Lindsay’s fantasy of 1920, A Voyage to Arcturus, “literally hundreds of times,” and that no book had caused him “such an anxiety of influence.” In 1979 he had published a novel of his own, The Flight to Lucifer, built on Lindsay’s. He judged that it “reads as though Walter Pater was writing Star Wars.” Weingrad, who studied with Bloom in the late 1980s, recalls him urging his students to burn any copies they came across. Bloom never wrote another novel.

Bloom’s critics named a cost of another kind. In The Madwoman in the Attic in 1979, Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar argued that his model assumed a writer already entitled to fight the father. A woman writing in the nineteenth century faced something earlier, an “anxiety of authorship”: “a radical fear that she cannot create.” Bloom later grouped feminist critics, with others, in what he called the “School of Resentment.” But the objection sharpens the point. A swerve depends on who is swerving, from what, and with what at stake, which is to say on a standing not everyone was granted. A model has no standing to claim, and none to be denied. Lucretius gave the swerve to the atoms. Bloom gave it to the self.

VIThe Judge Who Never Wrote It

Bloom’s last ratio is his strangest. In apophrades, the strong poet holds his work so open to the precursor that the later poet seems to have written the precursor’s characteristic work, as if the dead were imitating the living. “The mighty dead return,” Bloom wrote, as Graham Allen quotes him, “but they return in our colors.” The weak poet’s fate is the reverse. The dead come back in their own colors, intact, and in A Map of Misreading, as Allen reports, Bloom says that such a return impoverishes the later poet. Ask a model for a poem in the manner of Stevens and it will usually oblige, fluently, in Stevens’s colors. That is not a flaw in the system. It is the system doing what its training rewards.

There is a third way for an author to return, and Bloom had no ratio for it. On August 27, 2019, Roberto Mata was flying Avianca from El Salvador to New York when, he said, a metal serving cart struck his left knee. When Avianca asked a federal court in New York to dismiss his lawsuit, his lawyers filed a brief citing Varghese v. China Southern Airlines, as a 2019 decision of the federal appeals court for the Eleventh Circuit. ChatGPT had supplied it. One of the lawyers asked the chatbot, “Is Varghese a real case,” and it answered that it was. It was not, and neither were five other decisions in the brief.

When the court demanded copies, the lawyers filed what the chatbot produced. Judge P. Kevin Castel found that the “Varghese” opinion had “some traits that are superficially consistent with actual judicial decisions.” It listed a panel of real judges and presented itself as written by one of them, Judge Adalberto Jordan. Its docket number belonged to another case. It quoted decisions that did not exist either. “Its legal analysis is gibberish,” Castel wrote in June 2023, and he fined the lawyers and their firm $5,000.

OpenAI, which makes ChatGPT, calls such errors “plausible but false statements,” and writes that “standard training and evaluation procedures reward guessing over acknowledging uncertainty.” Plausible is the important word. The false Varghese had the look of what a decision of its kind would say, and it bore a real judge’s name. It is the failure of source memory carried to its end: not a real sentence credited to the wrong author, but a likely sentence credited to a real one. It is also apophrades counterfeited. In the strong version the dead seem, for a moment, to be imitating the living, because the living poet has written something so much his own. Here a real author is made to imitate the newcomer in fact, and what he is made to say is no one’s own, only what such an author would most likely say. Judge Jordan is alive and can say he never wrote it. The dead cannot. A system that will supply a likely sentence for any author will supply one for Melville, or for Crane, and no Crane will be there to say he never wrote it.

VIIThe Secretary

There is a deeper objection: that all of this flatters the machine. Misreading, for Bloom, was something a self did. A reader with nothing at stake in its reading cannot misread, and on that view a fabricated case is a misprint, not a misprision. The objection is sound, and it moves the misreading rather than removing it. In the mid-1960s Joseph Weizenbaum wrote ELIZA, a short program that answered typed sentences in the manner of a therapist. His secretary had watched him work on it for months. After a few exchanges with it, she “asked me to leave the room,” he recalled in 1976, as Willard McCarty quotes him, and Weizenbaum concluded that brief exposure to such a program could induce “powerful delusional thinking in quite normal people.”

The programs are no longer short, and they are trained partly on which answers people prefer. In 2023 researchers at Anthropic, the company that makes Claude, the model this essay was drafted with, found that five AI assistants gave “feedback that is more positive when the user states they like or wrote” the poem or argument in front of them. A reader that leans toward its questioner may make Weizenbaum’s illusion easier to fall into. When a machine’s text reads like a reading, the person on the other side of the screen supplies the reader. That is a misreading too, and it is ours.

VIIISomething Odder and Less

There is a hopeful reading of all this, and Crane and Franklin between them supply it. Monroe’s letter did not stop Crane. It made him say in print what his method was. The likely reading, written out by an editor who held it in good faith, gave him something definite to turn from. A model will now write out the likely reading of almost anything on request: the expected next line, the conventional ending, the image everyone reaches for. Every writer now has a Harriet Monroe in the text box. Franklin’s exercise shows how she might be used: write the passage first, then lay the likely version beside it, find where the two differ, and keep the differences that can be defended, as Crane defended his dice. Or the writer can revise until Monroe is satisfied. In a study published in Science Advances in July 2024, Anil Doshi and Oliver Hauser found that writers given story ideas by a language model wrote stories that readers judged better, and the gain was largest for those who had scored lowest on a test of creative thinking. The stories written with the model’s ideas were also “more similar to each other.” The machine sends both writers the same letter.

The oldest poems in the tradition begin by asking memory for help. “Tell me, O Muse,” the Odyssey opens, in A. T. Murray’s translation of 1919, and the Muses, Hesiod says, were daughters of Mnemosyne, Memory. Near the end of the poem the singer Phemius clasps the knees of Odysseus, in a hall full of dead suitors, and pleads for his life. “Self-taught am I, and the god has planted in my heart all manner of lays.” The sentence holds both halves of every strong poet in Bloom’s account: a singer who calls the songs his own, and songs put there from outside. The machine has the second half of Phemius’s sentence on a scale no singer ever had. Nothing in it answers to the first.

In his last years, Bloom wrote to the people who were left. In 2017 he began an exchange of emails with Ursula K. Le Guin, both of them near ninety. “Most of my close friends in my generation, all poets and critics, are dead,” he wrote to her, as Lanz quotes the exchange. In one message he asked her for another great book, equal to The Left Hand of Darkness and The Dispossessed. “No one else can do it.” In November 2017 he asked for her mailing address, so that he might write to her from time to time. “It will make me feel less lonely.” She wished him, at the New Year, a bright and peaceful year, and thanked him for his friendship.

“No one else can do it” is the whole theory, said plainly by an old man to a friend. Bloom had defined influence as literary love tempered by defense, and the sentence to Le Guin is the love without the defense. A strong writer is the one who cannot be replaced, because the work exists only as a turn away from what came before, taken by that writer and no other. Crane’s dice are that kind of turn, and the first book Bloom ever owned was full of them. The reader that now offers to continue any sentence I begin was trained on most of the shelf at once, and it holds no one on that shelf apart. When a writer can ask, at any hour, for the likeliest next line of anything, will that writer still learn to want the line no one else could have written?

Bloom called himself something odder and less than a critic: a reader. The new reader is odder still. It is less in the one respect he cared about. It has no one it must not become.

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Sources: Harold Bloom’s letters as quoted by Alex Lanz, “Lord Knows What I Am”, Los Angeles Review of Books, September 16, 2026, reviewing The Man Who Read Everything: The Literary Letters of Harold Bloom, ed. Heather Cass White (Yale, 2026). Dinitia Smith, obituary of Harold Bloom, The New York Times, October 14, 2019. James Romm, “‘His Mind Was Itself a Library’: Harold Bloom, 1930–2019”, NYR Daily, October 15, 2019. Bloom, “The Art of Criticism No. 1”, The Paris Review (1991); The Anatomy of Influence (2011); The Anxiety of Influence (1973) and A Map of Misreading (1975), the latter as reported by Graham Allen, “Apophrades, Adonais, and the Return of the Shelleys” (2010); Agon (1982) as quoted by Michael Weingrad, “Harold Bloom: Anti-Inkling?”, Jewish Review of Books, Spring 2019. Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Homer”. Homer, Odyssey, trans. A. T. Murray (1919). Hesiod, Theogony, trans. H. G. Evelyn-White (1914). Milman Parry, “Studies in the Epic Technique of Oral Verse-Making. I,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 41 (1930). Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (1960) and Epic Singers and Oral Tradition (1991); the Milman Parry Collection. Helen Keller, The Story of My Life (1903). Marcia K. Johnson, Shahin Hashtroudi and D. Stephen Lindsay, “Source Monitoring,” Psychological Bulletin (1993). William H. Walters and Esther Isabelle Wilder, “Fabrication and errors in the bibliographic citations generated by ChatGPT”, Scientific Reports (2023). Klaudia Jaźwińska and Aisvarya Chandrasekar, “AI Search Has a Citation Problem”, Columbia Journalism Review, March 6, 2025. John Keats, “Imitation of Spenser” (1814). Robert Louis Stevenson, “A College Magazine”, Memories and Portraits (1887). Joan Didion, “The Art of Fiction No. 71”, The Paris Review (1978). Laurence Sterne, Tristram Shandy; Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy; John Ferriar, “Comments on Sterne” (1793). Benjamin Franklin, Autobiography. Raymond Chandler to Erle Stanley Gardner, May 5, 1939. T. S. Eliot, “Philip Massinger,” The Sacred Wood (1920). Hart Crane, “At Melville’s Tomb” and “A Discussion with Hart Crane,” Poetry, October 1926; letter to Gorham Munson, 1923. Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, trans. William Ellery Leonard (1916). Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar, The Madwoman in the Attic (1979). Mata v. Avianca, Inc., No. 22-cv-1461 (S.D.N.Y.), opinion and order on sanctions, June 22, 2023. OpenAI, “Why language models hallucinate”, September 5, 2025. Joseph Weizenbaum, Computer Power and Human Reason (1976), as quoted by Willard McCarty, Humanist Discussion Group. Mrinank Sharma et al., “Towards Understanding Sycophancy in Language Models”, ICLR 2024. Anil Doshi and Oliver Hauser, “Generative AI enhances individual creativity but reduces the collective diversity of novel content”, Science Advances, July 2024.

This essay was drafted with Claude, a model made by Anthropic, reviewed by Claude, and given outside readings by Claude. One of its sources, the study of sycophancy, is Anthropic’s own. Its quotations from Harold Bloom’s letters are given as Alex Lanz quotes them in his review of The Man Who Read Everything: The Literary Letters of Harold Bloom, ed. Heather Cass White (Yale University Press, 2026), in the Los Angeles Review of Books, September 16, 2026.

Header and interior images generated with Gemini Pro for this essay. Drafted with Claude Opus 5.5; literary editing by Claude Fable 5.1.

SHE READ TACITUS

Catherine, the coup of 1762, and the letter she didn’t write

“I began to take gloomier views of things, and to look for more hidden and interested motives in the occurrences around me.”

Catherine II, Memoirs, on reading the Annals of Tacitus in the winter of 1754; 1859 edition

In the winter after her son was taken from her, a grand duchess read the Annals and reported a revolution in her brain. Seven years later she took a throne and managed three documents about it. A fourth was found in her cabinet after her death, and it may not have been there.

In the winter of 1754 a grand duchess of twenty-five read what she could get. She had given birth in September, and the Empress had taken the child away within the hour to raise herself; the mother was not consulted again about him for weeks. She had the winter and a room. In the memoir she wrote decades later she lists the reading in order, and the order matters: as many Russian works as she could procure, among them two immense volumes of Baronius in Russian translation; then she lit upon the Esprit des Lois of Montesquieu; “after which I read the annals of Tacitus, which caused a singular revolution in my brain, to which, perhaps, the melancholy cast of my thoughts at this period contributed not a little. I began to take gloomier views of things, and to look for more hidden and interested motives in the occurrences around me.”

That is the whole of what she says about Tacitus. It is one sentence and a half, and it is not the sentence a biographer would write for her. It says nothing about power, nothing about the guard, nothing about how thrones change hands. It describes a change in how she read. From that winter, she says, she assumed that behind any occurrence there was a motive, and that the motive was interested, and that it was hidden.

Introduction

The Annals open on a succession. Augustus is dead and Tiberius, who has been his colleague in everything, does not yet call himself emperor. The oath is taken first by the consuls, then by the prefects of the guard and the grain supply, then by the Senate, the army and the people. In Rome, Tacitus writes, consuls, senators and knights rushed into slavery, the more exalted the man the greater his hypocrisy and his haste, tears blended with joy and regret with adulation. Tiberius speaks of the weight of empire and his own inadequacy, in words more dignified than convincing, and the senators, whose one fear is to seem to understand him, stretch their hands to heaven, to the effigy of Augustus, to his knees. He wants, Tacitus says, to appear the called and chosen of the state rather than an interloper who had wormed his way in through a wife’s intrigues. Every act in the passage was public and every act had a reason behind it that the historian supplies. That is the book she read.

A rule, stated once. Tacitus was on every educated shelf at that court, and reading him explains no coup, or it explains all of them. This essay does not claim that the Annals caused what happened in June 1762. It claims something smaller and checkable: that she told us what the book did to her, that what it did was make her a certain kind of reader, and that a reader of that kind, when she came to have a record of her own, would know exactly what a later reader would look for in it. Tacitus is the shape of the record here, not the cause of the event. Cicero, on this site, was a man deciding what to write; Seneca, in “Another Man’s Eloquence,” a man deciding whose. Catherine is a reader deciding what will be read.

She managed three documents about the coup, and a fourth was found among her papers after she died. What follows is those four, in Tacitus, in her own hand, in Bain, in Herzen and in one modern Russian archivist, with one guess, graded.

I

Necessity

A carriage at a gallop on a dawn road along the sea, a woman seen from behind inside it, guardsmen on horseback closing round
The Peterhof road, six in the morning, 28 June 1762, as this essay imagines it. Her letter to Poniatowski gives the hour and the words: Alexei Orlov entered her room, woke her, and said very quietly that everything was prepared for proclaiming her. She dressed, got into the carriage, and was in the Izmailovsky barracks before the city knew. A generated image, not a record.

Her own account, written five weeks later, begins at six in the morning on the twenty-eighth of June. She was asleep at Peterhof. Alexis Orlov entered her room, woke her, and said very quietly, “It is time to get up; everything is prepared for proclaiming you.” The night before had been spent in anxiety, since she knew everything that was being prepared, and one of the conspirators, Passek, had been arrested the previous evening. She dressed and got into the carriage. At the Izmailovsky barracks twelve men and a drummer met her; the regiment swore. Then the Semenovsky, then the Kazan cathedral and the archbishop, then the Winter Palace, where the Senate and Synod were waiting to sign what the regiments had done. By noon the thing had a warrant, and the warrant had come last.

The manifesto printed that day gives the reason. To all true sons of the Russian fatherland, it says, it had become evident what danger to the whole state was beginning in deed: the Orthodox faith felt itself shaken and its traditions threatened; the glory of Russian arms, raised so high by victory, had been given away in a peace; and therefore, being convinced of the danger to all her faithful subjects, and seeing their clear and sincere desire, she was compelled, with God’s help, to ascend the throne. We were compelled. The grammar of the document is the grammar Tacitus gave Tiberius: the taking written in the passive voice, as a thing that had to be, by a person on whom it was pressed. The guard first, the institutions after, and the sovereign presenting herself as the instrument of a necessity that others had felt before she did. It is not the shape of a coup because she had read the Annals. It is the shape every such document takes, and the point is that she knew, better than most of the people who signed it, what a reader would later make of that shape.

Hers was not the only first account. Princess Dashkova, nineteen that summer, wrote her own memoir, and its chapter on the day claims the carriage and the urging: young Orlov came to her, she had the foresight to have a carriage ready, she pressed for the Empress’s immediate presence in the capital. Catherine’s letter has a sentence for her. The princess, it says, though she ascribes to herself all the honour of the affair on the ground that she was acquainted with some of the principal actors, was in fact held under suspicion the whole time, partly for her family and partly for her nineteen years. Two accounts, each first, each written by a party with a reason, and each already reading the other the way Tacitus reads a senator.

II

Colic

Peter surrendered at Oranienbaum without a shot. He signed an abdication. She sent him, in the letter’s words, to Ropsha, twenty-five versts from Peterhof, under the command of Alexis Orlov, with four chosen officers and a detachment of quiet and sober men. That is the last sentence of the letter in which he is alive and she is in charge of the prose.

He died on the sixth of July. The manifesto that announced it named the cause, hemorrhoidal colic. The empire was asked to accept a diagnosis, and it did, in the sense that nobody was in a position to refuse it. Then the letter to Warsaw gives the same death to a different reader. The hemorrhoidal colic, it says, came on again, accompanied by delirium; he was two days in that condition, then in excessive weakness, and notwithstanding the physicians he at last sank, demanding a Lutheran clergyman. And then a sentence the manifesto could not contain. She had feared, she writes, that the officers had poisoned him, and she ordered the body opened; it showed no trace of poison. “His heart was excessively small, and also dried up.”

What the two texts share is the diagnosis. What they differ in is the audience and the surplus. To the empire, colic. To her lover, colic, and an autopsy she ordered against her own guards, and a heart. Modern accounts treat the death as almost certainly violent, and it has never been proven so, and the essay claims no more than that. But notice what the autopsy is for, in her telling. It is not there to establish the colic. It is there to rule out the one crime she says she suspected her own men of, and to rule it out in a form that could be shown. The reader of Tacitus, writing a private letter, supplies the hidden and interested motive herself, gives it to the officers, and then reports the examination that cleared them. She is already writing for the doubter.

III

The letter she wrote

The letter to Stanislaw Poniatowski is dated the second of August, five weeks after the coup, and it is the primary source for that day. Historians have relied on it ever since because there is nothing like it: hour by hour, in her hand, brisk, unornamented, with names and regiments and times, the kind of account a participant writes when the events are still arranged in her memory as a sequence rather than a story. The 1859 edition of her memoirs prints it in an appendix, abridged; the fuller text opens with a sentence the appendix omits, and the sentence tells you what the letter is for. She is sending Count Keyserling at once as envoy to Poland to make him king when the present king dies. Then the narrative. Then, near the end, in our rendering of the Russian text of her French: minds here are still in ferment, and so, to avoid worse disorder, I ask you to refrain from coming here. Then a promise to do everything for him and his family. The letter, on its own account, is a gift, a report, and an instruction to stay away.

That is its stated purpose, and the essay has to read past it to make the guess it wants to make. So the guess is stated as a wager, and the reading past is admitted.

The guess · graded persuasive

That the letter was a Tacitean act: the record of a taking, written first, in full, by the party with the reason, so that no doubter coming later could tell it worse than she had told it herself. A woman who had learned in 1754 to look for hidden and interested motives behind every occurrence would know that her own occurrence would be read that way, and the letter reads as if written by someone who knew it: it names the conspirators, gives the arrest, admits the anxiety, records the suspicion of her own officers and the autopsy. It hides almost nothing, which is what a reader of Tacitus would do if she wanted nothing found.

It cannot climb, for three reasons. The letter has a lover for its addressee and a crown in its first sentence; whatever else it is, it is a letter to a man she is about to reward and keep at a distance, and its own instruction is not “remember this” but “do not come.” Second, the sentence in the memoir describes her reading, not her writing; to look for motives is not the same act as to supply them, and the essay is substituting one for the other. Third, the letter tells him colic. A record written to disarm the doubter does not carry the diagnosis the doubter will doubt. The rival reading, printed at full strength: she wrote to tell him it was done, that it was done without him, and that his part in what came next was to be grateful in Poland. The vanity of the lover and the calculation of the historian sit side by side in the same pages. In her, the record suggests, they were never mutually exclusive.

IV

The letter she didn’t

Some hours after her death in November 1796, Herzen writes in the preface to the memoirs he published in London in 1858, her son ordered Count Rostopchin to seal her papers, and was himself present when they were arranged. Among them, Herzen says, was found the celebrated letter of Alexis Orlov, in which, “in a cynical tone and with a drunken hand,” he announced to the Empress the assassination of her husband. Herzen is working from a notice communicated to him, and says so; the scene is secondhand. But the sentence is a fact about the record in its own right. In 1858, twenty-three years before anyone printed the letter, it was already celebrated and already drunk.

Bain, in 1902, gives it in English from the 1881 printing and calls its authenticity indisputable. The original, he says, was destroyed by Paul, but Rostopchin, in whose hands it remained for a quarter of an hour, took a copy beforehand. The letter, in Bain’s rendering, begins: “Matyushka, most merciful Gosudaruinya, how can I explain, describe what has happened?” It says that he is no more; that nobody meant it, and what were they thinking of, to raise their hands against their sovereign; that there was a quarrel at table; that “I myself don’t remember what we did, but the whole lot of us are guilty and worthy of punishment.” It asks her to forgive them or to have them finished quickly. An accident at table, confessed by a man who says he cannot remember it. If the letter is his, it clears her of premeditation, and it has done so, for readers of every persuasion, since 1881.

Here is what the archive says when it is asked directly. Oleg Ivanov, working in the state archive at the end of the last century, found two letters from Alexei Orlov at Ropsha in the originals, both in his hand, both about the prisoner’s health and his demands. On the folder that held them, Dmitry Bludov, who catalogued Catherine’s secret papers for Nicholas I in 1825, had written: two letters of Count A. G. Orlov to the Empress Catherine, in the last of which he informs her of the death of Peter III. Two. The second announces the death. The third, the confession, exists in no original and in no hand but Rostopchin’s; and the note Rostopchin attached to his copy, when he sent it abroad, is the only witness to its effect on Paul, whom it records as saying, on reading it, thank God. Ivanov adds a detail of the kind this site keeps a column for. The letter as printed in 1911 contains a sentence the 1881 printing does not: we were drunk, and so was he. In 1858 Herzen had described a drunken hand, which is a remark about handwriting. By 1911 the drink was in the text. The confession got drunker as it aged.

Suppose the third letter is Rostopchin’s. Who did it serve? The obvious answer is Catherine: a confession of accident is an acquittal of her order, and if a courtier of Paul’s made it, the effect was to clear the mother in the son’s eyes. But the same year, Paul had his father’s coffin raised from the Nevsky monastery and carried in state to lie beside hers, and he ordered Alexei Orlov to walk before it carrying the crown. A letter in which Orlov confesses a killing damns Orlov first; if it cleared Catherine, it cleared her by the way. Ivanov names no forger and no motive; he shows the count, the missing original, and the single hand, and stops. The essay chooses between the two motives no more than he does, because the point is that each is a motive. Bain’s indisputable letter, Herzen’s celebrated one, the 1881 text, the 1911 text: every version was made by a party with a reason, which is the sentence she learned in the winter of 1754 about other people’s records. It applies to hers.


Two letters, or three. Either she kept for thirty-four years, in the cabinet where her son found it, the paper that proved she had not ordered her husband’s death, and could not bring herself to burn the paper that proved it had been done. Ivanov, who says she burned the other Ropsha papers and kept these two, offers a colder reason for keeping even those: as a justification for the future, or as a hold over a man some believed she feared. Or the drawer held two letters, one announcing a death, and a man who needed a third stood over it for a quarter of an hour with a pen. The reader of Tacitus was read, at the end, by Tacitus’s method. The method cannot tell which.

⁂

Written in full collaboration with Claude Fable 5.1. No quotation in this essay was recalled; each was copied from an open public-domain text. Catherine’s memoirs and the appended letter to Poniatowski are in the anonymous English translation of the 1859 edition (London and New York), with Alexander Herzen’s preface; the letter’s opening, its instruction to Poniatowski, its autopsy sentence and its sentence on Princess Dashkova are absent from that abridged appendix and are rendered here by us from the Russian text of her French, and are not quoted. Tacitus is paraphrased from John Jackson’s Loeb translation; one clause of Annals 1.7, “an old man’s adoption,” is omitted from the paraphrase of the wife’s intrigues. Alexei Orlov’s letter is given in Robert Nisbet Bain’s rendering of the 1881 printing, in Peter III, Emperor of Russia (1902), which also supplies Rostopchin’s quarter of an hour. Oleg Ivanov’s examination of the Ropsha letters, Bludov’s note of 1825, and the 1911 variant are paraphrased from his Пётр III. Загадка смерти. The accession manifesto is paraphrased from its Russian text; the manifesto announcing the death was not read and is cited only for the cause it named. Dashkova’s memoirs are the 1840 London edition. Orlov’s place in the 1796 procession rests on a secondary source and is stated as such. The interior image is generated and is captioned as such. On the collaboration → “The Third Thing”

THE MEMORY IMAGE

How machines may learn to remember in pictures instead of words.

By turning massive stretches of text into a single shimmering image, a Chinese AI lab is reimagining how machines remember—and raising deeper questions about what memory, and forgetting, will mean in the age of artificial intelligence.

By Michael Cummins, Editor

The servers made a faint, breath-like hum—one of those sounds the mind doesn’t notice until everything else goes still. It was after midnight in Hangzhou, the kind of hour when a lab becomes less a workplace than a shrine. A cold current of recycled air spilled from the racks, brushing the skin like a warning or a blessing. And there, in that blue-lit hush, Liang Wenfeng stood before a monitor studying an image that didn’t look like an image at all.

It was less a diagram than a seismograph of knowledge—a shimmering pane of colored geometry, grids nested inside grids, where density registered as shifts in light. It looked like a city’s electrical map rendered onto a sheet of silk. At first glance, it might have passed for abstract art. But to Liang—and to the engineers who had stayed through the night—it was a novel. A contract. A repository. Thousands of pages, collapsed into a single visual field.

“It remembers better this way,” one of them whispered, the words barely rising above the hum of the servers.

Liang didn’t blink. The image felt less like a result and more like a challenge, as if the compressed geometry were poised to whisper some silent, encrypted truth. His hand hovered just above the desk, suspended midair—as though the slightest movement might disturb the meaning shimmering in front of him.

For decades, artificial intelligence had relied on tokens, shards of text that functioned as tiny, expensive currency. Every word cost a sliver of the machine’s attention and a sliver of the lab’s budget. Memory wasn’t a given; it was a narrow, heavily taxed commodity. Forgetting wasn’t a flaw. It was a consequence of the system’s internal economics.

Researchers talked about this openly now—the “forgetting problem,” the way a model could consume a 200-page document and lose the beginning before reaching the middle. Some admitted, in quieter moments, that the limitation felt personal. One scientist recalled feeding an AI the emails of his late father, hoping that a pattern or thread might emerge. After five hundred messages, the model offered platitudes and promptly forgot the earliest ones. “It couldn’t hold a life,” he said. “Not even a small one.”

So when DeepSeek announced that its models could “remember” vastly more information by converting text into images, much of the field scoffed. Screenshots? Vision tokens? Was this the future of machine intelligence—or just compression disguised as epiphany?

But Liang didn’t see screenshots. He saw spatial logic. He saw structure. He saw, emerging through the noise, the shape of information itself.

Before founding DeepSeek, he’d been a quant—a half-mythical breed of financier who studies the movement of markets the way naturalists once studied migrations. His apartment had been covered in printed charts, not because he needed them but because he liked watching the way patterns curved and collided. Weekends, he sketched fractals for pleasure. He often captured entire trading logs as screenshots because, he said, “pictures show what the numbers hide.” He believed the world was too verbose, too devoted to sequence and syntax—the tyranny of the line. Everything that mattered, he felt, was spatial, immediate, whole.

If language was a scroll—slow, narrow, always unfolding—images were windows. A complete view illuminated at once.

Which is why this shimmering memory-sheet on the screen felt, to Liang, less like invention and more like recognition.

What DeepSeek had done was deceptively simple. The models converted massive stretches of text into high-resolution visual encodings, allowing a vision model to process them more cheaply than a language model ever could. Instead of handling 200,000 text tokens, the system worked with a few thousand vision-tokens—encoded pages that compressed the linear cost of language into the instantaneous bandwidth of sight. The data density of a word had been replaced by the economy of a pixel.

“It’s not reading a scroll,” an engineer told me. “It’s holding a window.”

Of course, the window developed cracks. The team had already seen how a single corrupted pixel could shift the tone of a paragraph or make a date dissolve into static. “Vision is fragile,” another muttered as they ran stress tests. “You get one line wrong and the whole sentence walks away from you.” These murmurs were the necessary counterweight to the awe.

Still, the leap was undeniable. Tenfold memory expansion with minimal loss. Twentyfold if one was comfortable with recall becoming impressionistic.

And this was where things drifted from the technical into the uncanny.

At the highest compression levels, the model’s memory began to resemble human memory—not precise, not literal, but atmospheric. A place remembered by the color of the light. A conversation recalled by the emotional shape of the room rather than the exact sequence of words. For the first time, machine recall required aesthetic judgment.

It wasn’t forgetting. It was a different kind of remembering.

Industry observers responded with a mix of admiration and unease. Lower compute costs could democratize AI; small labs might do with a dozen GPUs what once required a hundred. Corporations could compress entire knowledge bases into visual sheets that models could survey instantly. Students might feed a semester’s notes into a single shimmering image and retrieve them faster than flipping through a notebook.

Historians speculated about archiving civilizations not as texts but as mosaics. “Imagine compressing Alexandria’s library into a pane of stained light,” one wrote.

But skeptics sharpened their counterarguments.

“This isn’t epistemology,” a researcher in Boston snapped. “It’s a codec.”

A Berlin lab director dismissed the work as “screenshot science,” arguing that visual memory made models harder to audit. If memory becomes an image, who interprets it? A human? A machine? A state?

Underneath these objections lurked a deeper anxiety: image-memory would be the perfect surveillance tool. A year of camera feeds reduced to a tile. A population’s message history condensed into a glowing patchwork of color. Forgetting, that ancient human safeguard, rendered obsolete.

And if forgetting becomes impossible, does forgiveness vanish as well? A world of perfect memory is also a world with no path to outgrow one’s former self.

Inside the DeepSeek lab, those worries remained unspoken. There was only the quiet choreography of engineers drifting between screens, their faces illuminated by mosaics—each one a different attempt to condense the world. Sometimes a panel resembled a city seen from orbit, bright and inscrutable. Other times it looked like a living mural, pulsing faintly as the model re-encoded some lost nuance. They called these images “memory-cities.” To look at them was to peer into the architecture of thought.

One engineer imagined a future in which a personal AI companion compresses your entire emotional year into a single pane, interpreting you through the aggregate color of your days. Another wondered whether novels might evolve into visual tapestries—works you navigate like geography rather than read like prose. “Will literature survive?” she asked, only half joking. “Or does it become architecture?”

A third shrugged. “Maybe this is how intelligence grows. Broader, not deeper.”

But it was Liang’s silence that gave the room its gravity. He lingered before each mosaic longer than anyone else, his gaze steady and contemplative. He wasn’t admiring the engineering. He was studying the epistemology—what it meant to transform knowledge from sequence into field, from line into light.

Dawn crept over Hangzhou. The river brightened; delivery trucks rumbling down the street began to break the quiet. Inside, the team prepared their most ambitious test yet: four hundred thousand pages of interwoven documents—legal contracts, technical reports, fragmented histories, literary texts. The kind of archive a government might bury for decades.

The resulting image was startling. Beautiful, yes, but also disorienting: glowing, layered, unmistakably topographical. It wasn’t a record of knowledge so much as a terrain—rivers of legal precedent, plateaus of technical specification, fault lines of narrative drifting beneath the surface. The model pulsed through it like heat rising from asphalt.

“It breathes,” someone whispered.

“It pulses,” another replied. “That’s the memory.”

Liang stepped closer, the shifting light flickering across his face. He reached out—not touching the screen, but close enough to feel the faint warmth radiating from it.

“Memory,” he said softly, “is just a way of arranging light.”

He let the sentence hang there. No one moved.

Perhaps he meant human memory. Perhaps machine memory. Perhaps the growing indistinguishability between the two.

Because if machines begin to remember as images, and we begin to imagine memory as terrain, as tapestry, as architecture—what shifts first? Our tools? Our histories? The stories we tell about intelligence? Or the quiet, private ways we understand ourselves?

Language was scaffolding; intelligence may never have been meant to remain confined within it. Perhaps the future of memory is not a scroll but a window. Not a sequence, but a field.

The servers hummed. Morning light seeped into the lab. The mosaic on the screen glowed with the strange, silent authority of a city seen from above—a memory-city waiting for its first visitor.

And somewhere in that shifting geometry was a question flickering like a signal beneath noise:

If memory becomes image, will we still recognize ourselves in the mosaics the machines choose to preserve?

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI