On a banished jester, a cartoonist’s pun, and who has held the fool’s license since kings stopped keeping fools
In 1638 the king’s fool mocked an archbishop and was banished the same day. Since then the fool’s license has passed from hand to hand: to a party and a censor, a cabinet minister’s lunch, a newspaper’s owner.
Early in 1638, with Scotland in uproar over a new prayer book that Archbishop William Laud had championed, the king’s jester greeted the archbishop with a question. “Who’s fool now? Does not your Grace hear the news from Stirling about the liturgy?”
Laud took the matter to the Privy Council. The same day, Archibald Armstrong, who had served James and then Charles, was sentenced “to have his coat pulled over his head and be discharged the king’s service and banished the king’s court.”
The sentence tells you what a jester’s freedom was. It wasn’t his. The king extended it, and it covered almost anything that amused the king. It didn’t cover an archbishop’s dignity in a season when the king’s church was being defied, and one complaint was enough to withdraw it in an afternoon. The coat pulled over his head was the fool’s motley taken back, as if the office had only ever been lent to him.
The king’s fool disappeared from the English court. The mocking didn’t stop. It moved into prints and plays, newspapers and cartoons, and at every stage someone else decided what the mockery would cost. That someone was sometimes a party, sometimes a censor, once a cabinet minister over lunch, and lately the owner of the page. The penalties have softened, and that isn’t a small thing. But the question Armstrong asked Laud has a second meaning he didn’t intend. Whoever mocks the powerful has to ask who allows it, and whether it has ever been the fool’s to keep.
I
The Charter
Shakespeare wrote down the terms of the fool’s license more exactly than any statute did. In As You Like It the melancholy Jaques, who longs for a motley coat of his own, asks for the one thing the coat conferred: “I must have liberty / Withal, as large a charter as the wind, / To blow on whom I please; for so fools have.” A charter is a grant. The wind blows where it likes. A fool blows where he has been allowed to. In Twelfth Night Olivia states the terms from the other side, defending her jester against a steward who wants him silenced: “There is no slander in an allowed fool, though he do nothing but rail.” And Lear’s Fool knows how narrow the grant can be. “They’ll have me whipped for speaking true, thou’lt have me whipped for lying, and sometimes I am whipped for holding my peace.”
The parts were written in the years Robert Armin was the company’s clown, and he is generally credited with playing all three. He had also published a book about real fools, some of whom he knew. They were written, too, in the years after England had been reminded who licensed mockery. On June 1, 1599, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London ordered “that noe Satyres or Epigramms be printed hereafter.” Within days the offending books were burned at Stationers’ Hall.
Armstrong lived inside those terms for decades. By 1623 he was well enough known to ride to Madrid with Prince Charles and the Duke of Buckingham, who had gone to win the prince a Spanish bride, and he was made much of at the Spanish court. The story is told, and it has the polish of a jest-book, that when Buckingham threatened to have him hanged, Armstrong answered that dukes had often been hanged for insolence, but never fools for talking. Whether or not he said it, it is the charter as a fool would have understood it.
The charter had a limit all the same, and an archbishop found it. The historian Andrea Shannon argues that Armstrong was never simply a clown who slipped once. Across two reigns he had a reputation for pointed comment on affairs of state, and the Spanish journey made him a public figure beyond the court. His fall, she writes, shows “the fluid boundaries of acceptable criticism” at a time when state affairs were increasingly discussed outside the court. What changed in 1638 wasn’t the fool. It was his subject. A joke at an archbishop’s expense was the king’s amusement. A joke about the king’s church in open defiance was a comment on the king’s policy, made at the one moment the court couldn’t afford to laugh.
It would be easy to make Armstrong the first chapter of a story of progress, and the story wouldn’t be wholly false. Armstrong had one patron, who gave him both the license and the living. When the license went, so did the coat, the post and the court. No one who comes after him here depended on a single man for all of that. A licensor you can walk away from is a different thing from one you can’t, and later fools would learn to walk.
II
The Pension and the Censor
Parties took up the habit kings had dropped. In 1797 George Canning, a rising man in Pitt’s government, founded The Anti-Jacobin to ridicule the government’s opponents, and the caricaturist James Gillray took a pension of £200 a year. Canning paid for plates on the paper’s themes, and some count twenty that came of the arrangement. The university library that now holds Gillray’s prints describes what the money bought as “a temporary loyalty.”
Feste would have understood the arrangement. All through Twelfth Night he turns his wit into coins. When Viola pays him for a jest, he looks at the money and asks, “Would not a pair of these have bred, sir?” A pensioned fool isn’t silenced. He is aimed. Whether Gillray ever turned his needle on Pitt or Canning while the money came is a question the surviving accounts of the arrangement don’t answer. What they do show is the new shape of the license. It was no longer a coat that could be pulled over a man’s head. It was an income that could stop.
The other license belonged to the state, and it reached a fool three centuries dead. On November 22, 1832, Paris saw the first performance of Victor Hugo’s Le roi s’amuse, a play about Triboulet, the real jester of Francis I, who serves a libertine king. The next day the government banned it for its supposed insults to the reigning king, Louis-Philippe. Hugo went to court to have it restored. In the preface to the printed play he called the ban not merely “a monstrous act of censorship and arbitrary power” but “a true confiscation.” He lost, and paid the costs. The play wasn’t performed again for fifty years.
Nineteen years later Verdi set the same story. The Austrian censors in Venice passed his opera only when the king had become a Duke of Mantua and Triboulet had become Rigoletto. The fool’s story could be told, so long as there was no king in it for him to serve.
By the middle of the nineteenth century the license had split in two. The paymaster decided what the fool would be paid to mock. The censor decided what could be shown being mocked, even in a fiction set three centuries back. Neither license belonged to the fool, and both could be withdrawn by people he never met. Hugo, though, did something Armstrong never could. He took the censor to court in public, and called what had been taken from him by its right name: his property. He lost, and went on writing.
III
The Muzzle
In November 1937 Lord Halifax went to Germany. He wasn’t yet Foreign Secretary. He was Lord President of the Council, travelling on an invitation to Göring’s International Hunting Exhibition in Berlin. On November 19 he lunched with Hitler at Berchtesgaden. Before leaving Berlin he met Göring and Goebbels. According to Timothy Benson, the historian who wrote Low and the Dictators, Goebbels singled out one cartoonist for complaint: David Low of Lord Beaverbrook’s Evening Standard, a New Zealander whose cartoons of Hitler were banned in Germany.
Halifax came home, in the historian Tim Bouverie’s words, “determined to curb him.” He went first to the paper. “You cannot imagine the frenzy that these cartoons cause,” he told Michael Wardell of the Standard, as Benson gives it. Wardell’s answer was that it wasn’t his to give. He couldn’t control Low, he said, because Low’s contract put the cartoonist beyond the paper’s reach. The license had moved. It wasn’t the king’s, or the paymaster’s, or even the proprietor’s. Low held it by contract, and a cabinet minister who wanted it narrowed had to ask the man himself.
So Halifax asked. The two met for lunch at Wardell’s flat in Bayswater, where Halifax asked Low to tone down his cartoons for the sake of the government’s search for peace. Low later recalled what he was told. Hitler had the cartoons brought to him and laid on his desk, and “finished always with an explosion.” Low answered that he didn’t want to be responsible for a war, but that he had a duty to say what he saw. Then, in the words Benson gives him, he agreed: “I’ll slow down a bit.”
On January 1, 1938, the Evening Standard introduced a new character. He was a composite dictator with Hitler’s features and Mussolini’s, identified as neither, and his name was Muzzler. The name told anyone paying attention what had happened. Feste called himself not a fool but a “corrupter of words,” and Low had found the fool’s last resort. When he couldn’t say a thing plainly, he bent a word until it said it for him.
It lasted until March. When Hitler annexed Austria, Low decided that his restraint was buying nothing, and Hitler came back into the cartoons under his own name.
What makes the episode worth telling isn’t that Low was pressed. Fools have always been pressed. It’s where the pressing happened and who did it. The objection began with a dictatorship and was carried by a British minister to a newspaper, which declined to carry it further. It was settled over a private lunch, with no order, no court and no record, until the men involved wrote their memoirs. Hugo lost in public and kept his objection on the record in a preface. Low kept, by contract, the right to be asked. What he gave in return was ten weeks of a word that meant muzzle.
IV
The Owner
Ann Telnaes had drawn editorial cartoons for The Washington Post since 2008. She submitted a sketch of a group of technology and media owners paying court to the president-elect. In her own list, they were Mark Zuckerberg of Meta, Sam Altman of OpenAI, Patrick Soon-Shiong of the Los Angeles Times, the Walt Disney Company, drawn as a prostrate Mickey Mouse, and the owner of her own paper, Jeff Bezos, all bringing Donald Trump their offerings.
The paper’s opinion editor, David Shipley, declined to run it. The Post had just published a column on the same subject and had a satire already scheduled, he said, and “the only bias was against repetition.”
Telnaes resigned on January 3, 2025, and explained why the next day, on her own Substack. Her sketches had been rejected before, she wrote, “but never because of the point of view inherent in the cartoon’s commentary.” Then: “That’s a game changer…and dangerous for a free press.” She kept drawing, for the readers who followed her to her Substack, Open Windows.
In May the Pulitzer Board gave her its prize for Illustrated Reporting and Commentary. The award is listed under “Ann Telnaes of The Washington Post.” The citation praised “piercing commentary on powerful people and institutions” and “a fearlessness that led to her departure from the news organization after 17 years.”
V
Coda
At the end of Twelfth Night the lovers have paired off, and Malvolio has gone with a promise: “I’ll be revenged on the whole pack of you.” The house empties, and Feste is left alone with a song about the wind and the rain. In its last lines he turns from the world’s weather to the company’s business:
A great while ago the world begun,
With hey, ho, the wind and the rain,
But that’s all one, our play is done,
And we’ll strive to please you every day.
The household fool has become a player, and his licensor is whoever paid to get in.
Telnaes ended up in the same place. In this story, hers is the first case where losing the house didn’t mean losing the audience. Armstrong lost his coat and his place at court. Gillray’s loyalty was bought for a time. Hugo’s play went dark for fifty years. Low bought his freedom back with ten weeks of a pun. Telnaes lost the Post and kept her readers, and the prize followed her out the door. The cost of losing the license has fallen that far, and it isn’t a small thing.
A public can’t pull a coat over anyone’s head. It can stop paying. And it has tastes, habits and loyalties of its own, as every court did, and a fool who strives to please it every day is still pleasing someone. Whether the paying public is the fool’s first free licensor, or only the largest court he has served, is not a question the fool can answer from the stage.
Who’s fool now?
⁂
Shakespeare is quoted from the following online texts: As You Like It 2.7 from the Shakespeare Navigators edition (Eastern Washington University); Twelfth Night 1.5, 3.1 and Malvolio’s exit in 5.1, and King Lear 1.4, from Owl Eyes; the last stanza of Feste’s song in Twelfth Night 5.1 as printed in the Folger Shakespeare. Armstrong’s jest and sentence are quoted as the Dictionary of National Biography gives the Privy Council’s wording, reached through Wikipedia; the Madrid story is told as the 1911 Encyclopaedia Britannica repeats it, and is presented as a story. Andrea Shannon’s phrase comes from the published abstract of her article “‘Uncouth language to a Princes ears’: Archibald Armstrong, Court Jester, and Early Stuart Politics,” Sixteenth Century Journal 42.1 (2011); the article itself is behind a paywall and was not consulted. The Bishops’ Ban of 1599 is quoted as Wikipedia reproduces it. Gillray’s pension and “a temporary loyalty” are from Newcastle University Special Collections. Victor Hugo’s preface to Le roi s’amuse (dated 30 November 1832) is quoted in this essay’s own translation, checked against three editions of the French. The account of Halifax, Wardell and Low follows Timothy S. Benson’s published account, which draws on Low’s Autobiography (1956) but gives no references; the autobiography itself was not consulted, and the quotations attributed to Halifax and Low are given as Benson gives them. Tim Bouverie’s Appeasement (2019) is quoted from passages reproduced as reader highlights, not from the book. Halifax’s office and the date of his meeting with Hitler are from Hansard, 24 November 1937; the hunting exhibition and the meetings with Göring and Goebbels from Time, 29 November 1937. Ann Telnaes is quoted from her Substack posts of 4 January and 28 December 2025; David Shipley’s statement from NPR, 4 January 2025; the Pulitzer citation from pulitzer.org. The header and interior images were generated with Gemini for this essay and are not historical illustrations; the interior imagines the Bayswater lunch and depicts no one’s likeness. The essay’s starting point was Jill C. Shomer’s “Displaying the Gems of Jester,” Columbia College Today, Fall 2026. Drafted with Claude Opus 5.5; literary editing by Claude Opus 5; copy editing by Gemini.