Category Archives: Financial

THE HOUR-LONG FUTURE

How Chicago’s oldest exchange bet on sixty-minute markets, and what it means when certainty itself is priced like a parlay.

Inspired by conversations on Bloomberg’s “Odd Lots” podcast, October 2, 2025, this essay explores the collision of Chicago’s most venerable marketplace with America’s newest gambling instinct.

By Michael Cummins, Editor, October 2, 2025

Chicago declares its weather. The wind comes down LaSalle Street like a verdict, rattling the brass doors of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME), the world’s largest derivatives marketplace, and Terry Duffy keeps telling the same story about the Sears Tower. Once, Sears was so secure it stamped its name onto the tallest building in the country. Then Amazon arrived and the edifice outlived the company. Duffy repeats the story because he knows it could happen to him. He is the custodian of a market built on trust and clearing, and he now presides over a future in which markets themselves have begun to resemble slot machines.

When CME announced this summer that it would partner with FanDuel to launch retail-friendly “event contracts,” the move was described, in the buttoned-down language of FIA MarketVoice, as bringing “Wall Street to Main Street.” But the reality is stranger: the nation’s most venerable exchange has chosen to build a door onto a sports-betting app. The product is stark in its simplicity—fully funded, binary contracts tied to benchmarks like the S&P 500, gold, or the monthly Consumer Price Index (CPI), each available for a dollar, each expiring in sixty minutes. “We want to attract a new generation of retail traders,” CME explained in its release, emphasizing transparency, defined risk, and the symbolic price point that even the most casual bettor can afford.

Duffy knows what it is to sell certainty. He began his career in the pits, where certainty was conjured out of chaos. To enter the pit was to descend into a human engine: men in jackets of vivid color, chalk dust in the air, sweat soaking the collars, voices rising to a roar. Each shout was a legal contract; each hand signal, a coded promise. Palm in meant buy, palm out meant sell. A quick nod sealed the trade. A look in the eye carried as much weight as a notarized document. The pit was a place where trust was physical, embodied, and enforced by reputation.

He still carries it in his cadence. His sentences are short, clipped, emphatic, relics of the pits’ staccato. A “yes” had to carry over the roar, and a “no” had to land like a gavel. He learned that a man’s word was binding; a lie meant exile. To Duffy, the roar was not noise but a symphony of accountability.

Contrast that to the FanDuel app, silent and frictionless. No shouts, no sweat, no eye contact. A bet placed with a swipe, confirmed by a vibration in the pocket. The counterparty is invisible; the clearing is algorithmic. The visceral contract of the pit has become the abstract contract of the phone. For Duffy, the gap is more than technological—it is civilizational.

His survival has always depended on bridging gaps. In 2007, he forced CME and the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT)—longstanding rivals, territorial and proud—into a merger that saved both from decline. It was, at the time, a brutal clash of cultures. Pit traders who once hurled insults across LaSalle now shared a roof. Duffy’s achievement was to convince them that survival required sacrifice. The precedent matters now: he knows when to abandon tradition in order to preserve the institution. He has led the exchange for over two decades, long enough to embody continuity in a world addicted to rupture.

Which is why he returns, again and again, to the Sears Tower. Sears did not collapse overnight. Its decline was gradual: catalogs left unopened, trust eroded, relevance seeped away. Sears represented predictability—a known price, a tangible good. It was undone by the infinite shelf of Amazon, where everything was available, untethered from a physical catalog. Duffy fears the same for CME: that in the infinite, unregulated shelf of crypto and apps, the certainty of a clearinghouse will be forgotten. He has made himself the defender of that certainty, even as he opens the door to the FanDuel crowd.

Imagine it, then, not in Chicago but in Des Moines: a woman on her lunch break, soup cooling in its paper cup, phone buzzing with the faintly cheerful ping of a FanDuel notification. She scrolls past the Raiders’ line, taps the “markets” tab, and there it is: gold, $1,737. Above or below? Sixty minutes to decide. She glances at the chart, flickering like a slot machine, and stakes a dollar. Her coworker laughs—he’s on crude oil, betting it falls before the hour. It is a small act, private and almost whimsical. But multiply it by millions, and the cathedral of Chicago has rented space to the gamblers.

Amy Howe, FanDuel’s chief executive, prefers another framing. “By working with CME Group, we can give consumers a transparent, fully funded product with clear rules and protections,” she said in August. For her, the lunch-break wager is less a symptom of dopamine culture than an act of empowerment, bounded by disclosure and design. Later, she would describe it as “responsible innovation for a generation that already expects to engage with markets digitally.”

The phone has conditioned us to view every decision as a micro-transaction with binary payoff, a perpetual A/B test of our own lives. Swipe left or right, invest in Tesla or short its sales, like or ignore, vote or abstain. Certainty itself has become a parlay. The event contract is merely the most transparent expression of this new algorithmic certainty.

Duffy knows the critique—that he is blurring investing and gambling, putting the reputation of the world’s most trusted clearinghouse in play. He shrugs off the taxonomy. “Find me an investment without speculation,” he challenges. Speculators create liquidity; investors ride the train. The problem is not the label. The problem is whether the architecture can hold.

Once, hedging was about survival. A farmer locked in the price of corn to guarantee his family’s subsistence through drought. A grain elevator hedged to manage inventory. Futures were the sober instrument of risk management, a tool for keeping bread on tables. The retail contracts on FanDuel are different. They are not designed to secure a season’s yield but to occupy a lunch break. The hedger and the gambler both face uncertainty, but one does so to live through winter, the other to feel a flicker of dopamine.

What happens when a generation learns to price its risks in sixty-minute increments? When patience is dissolved into perpetual refresh, when civic trust is reshaped by the grammar of instant payoff? Perhaps we become more rational, disciplined consumers of risk. More likely, we become addicted to ever-shorter horizons, citizens of a republic of immediacy.

The FanDuel tie-up is not an aberration; it is the logical culmination of a broader gamification. Fitness apps turn calories into wins and losses. Dating apps transform intimacy into binary swipes. Diet apps offer daily streaks, productivity trackers chart each hour, social media doles out likes. The logic is universal: win or lose, in the money or out. Finance is simply the purest distillation of the loop. The hour-long future looks less like a radical departure than the natural endpoint of the dopamine economy.

Duffy insists that the difference lies in the architecture of the market. Here, the clearinghouse still rules. The CME Clearing division guarantees that each contract, no matter how small, will clear. This is the core trust mechanism: novation. The clearinghouse steps in as the buyer to every seller and the seller to every buyer. It guarantees performance even if a party defaults. It is the invisible institution that makes markets work, as essential as plumbing or electricity. Without clearing, a market is just a game of promises. With clearing, promises become enforceable contracts.

This is why Duffy obsesses over jurisdiction. The nickel crisis in London remains his cautionary tale. When the London Metal Exchange (LME) canceled billions in nickel trades in 2022, after a massive short squeeze threatened a major client, it violated the principle that trades, once made, must stand. In Duffy’s view, this was sacrilege. If trades can be retroactively voided, trust collapses. The nickel debacle lingers as a ghost story he tells often: what happens when clearing is not sacred, when the rules bend to expedience?

The tax code, too, becomes part of his defense. Section 1256 of the Internal Revenue Code gives futures a blended 60/40 tax treatment—sixty percent long-term, forty percent short-term—even though they expire quickly. This means that a futures trader, even in hourly event contracts, can claim a rate unavailable to sports bettors. The distinction between “future” and “security” may be arcane, but in the retail economy it could be decisive. Why place a bet on an unregulated platform with higher tax burdens when you could trade an event future inside CME’s fortress? Duffy is building his moat out of law as well as architecture.

Yet even he admits there are red lines. Political prediction markets, for instance. At first glance, they seem like an extension of the model. Why not allow bets on elections, if you can bet on CPI or jobs reports? But Duffy sees danger. Imagine a small-town school bond vote. A motivated actor buys all the “Yes” contracts, pushing the price higher, creating the illusion of inevitability. Undecided voters, reading the “market,” assume the bond will pass and vote accordingly. Speculation becomes self-fulfilling. A democracy of markets quickly becomes a market for democracy.

The Iowa Electronic Markets (IEM) were tolerated because they were small, academic, pedagogical—designed to teach students about probabilities. But scaled onto a national betting app, political contracts would cease to be an experiment and become an accelerant. Duffy resists. “Every political event is not a presidential election,” he warns. Some are small enough to be readily manipulable. And the Commodity Exchange Act is explicit: contracts cannot be.

He also resists the temptation of perpetual futures. Crypto invented them as an answer to expiry, an infinite bet that never resolves. To Duffy, they fail the laugh test. Immortal cattle cannot be delivered. Wheat cannot grow forever. A Treasury future must expire into a bond. A future without resolution is not a hedge but a hallucination.

Still, he is not afraid of arriving late. In 2017, he was mocked for waiting to list Bitcoin futures. When he did, CME became the premier venue for hedging crypto risk. His philosophy is consistent: better to be late with credibility than early with chaos. “Go when the architecture can hold,” he says, and it sounds less like a trading maxim than a worldview.

The contradiction remains: the man who built his authority in the pits, enforcing trust by the pressure of a body, is now enabling the gamification of markets by the tap of a thumb. Is he selling his integrity, or saving the concept of the market by absorbing the dopamine impulse into its ancient structure? Is CME, in joining FanDuel, protecting the house—or merely becoming one more casino in an infinite arcade?

He walks a city that remembers. The Sears Tower still stands, though its name has eroded. The ghost-hum of the pits lingers in his cadence. The wind whips down LaSalle, eternal as ever. The phones in people’s pockets glow across the country, each a miniature trading pit, silent and frictionless. A new market is trying to clear—not just trades, but trust, patience, and perhaps the architecture of democracy itself.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI

REVIEW: “A BIG, BEAUTIFUL BILL AND AN EVEN BIGGER DEBT: THREE PERSPECTIVES”

The following is an in-depth analysis of President Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” written by ChatGPT from important, bi-partisan fiscal, economic and political sources, all listed below:

If there is one unassailable truth in American political life, it is that no grand legislative gesture arrives without the promise of prosperity—and the prospect of unintended consequences. Donald Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill,” signed into law on July 4th, stands as a monument to this dynamic: a sprawling package of permanent tax cuts, entitlement retrenchments, and fresh spending, all wrapped in a populist bow and accompanied by the familiar refrain that the deficits will somehow pay for themselves.

To understand the bill’s import—and its likely fallout—it helps to consider three vantage points. The first is that of Milton Friedman, who would see in these provisions a laboratory for the free market, tempered by fiscal illusions. The second is Paul Krugman’s, for whom this is a brazen experiment in upward redistribution. The third is David Stockman’s, whose uniquely jaundiced eye discerns an unholy alliance of crony capitalism and debt-fueled political theatre.

Friedman, the Nobel laureate and evangelist of free enterprise, might first commend the bill’s unapologetic tax relief. A permanent extension of the 2017 tax cuts is precisely the sort of measure he once called “a way to restore incentives, reduce distortions, and reward enterprise.” For Friedman, a tax system ought to be predictable, broad-based, and minimally intrusive. In this sense, the bill’s elimination of taxes on tips and overtime income, coupled with higher thresholds for the estate tax, will likely increase the incentive to work, save, and invest.

Yet Friedman would be quick to warn that no tax cut exists in a vacuum. The real test of fiscal virtue, he always argued, is not in slashing tax rates but in restraining spending. This bill, by combining aggressive tax cuts with continued defense expansions and only partial reductions to social spending, falls short of the discipline he prescribed. The result, Friedman would say, is a structural deficit that will eventually require either inflation or future tax hikes. “There is no such thing as a free lunch,” he liked to remind audiences. This is a lunch billed to generations unborn.

Krugman, viewing the same legislation, would perceive not a triumph of market freedom but an egregious abdication of public responsibility. He has long argued that the most misleading idea in modern politics is the notion that tax cuts inevitably pay for themselves. As the Congressional Budget Office’s scoring shows, the bill is likely to add over $3 trillion to the national debt in the next decade, even after accounting for higher GDP. Krugman would note that the permanent nature of the cuts deprives lawmakers of future leverage and crowds out investments in education, infrastructure, and health.

More pointedly, Krugman would argue that the bill’s distributional impact is regressive by design. Expanded deductions for capital gains and estates, the restoration of a higher SALT cap, and corporate incentives all tilt the benefits toward the affluent, while Medicaid cuts and SNAP work requirements fall hardest on those with the least. In Krugman’s view, this is not simply poor economics but a moral failing: a return to what he calls “the era of Dickensian inequality, dressed up in the rhetoric of growth.”

Yet the critique most likely to sting is the one that David Stockman would deliver. Unlike Krugman, Stockman began as a champion of supply-side tax reform. But he has since become its most unflinching critic. To him, the “Big Beautiful Bill” represents the final stage of a fiscal derangement decades in the making: a bipartisan addiction to borrowing and a refusal to reckon with arithmetic. “This is not capitalism,” Stockman might write, “it’s a simulacrum of capitalism—an endless auction of political favors financed by the Fed’s printing press.”

Stockman would remind readers that when he served as Reagan’s budget director, the expectation was that tax cuts would be offset by deep spending restraint. Instead, deficits ballooned and discipline eroded. The new bill, with its eye-watering cost and lack of credible offsets, is an even more flamboyant departure from any pretense of balance. Stockman would likely deride the Republican celebration as a form of magical thinking, no more credible than the illusions peddled by Democrats. In his telling, the bill is both symptom and accelerant of a broader collapse of fiscal sanity.

All three perspectives converge on a single point: the bill’s enormous impact on the debt trajectory. According to estimates from the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, the legislation could push the U.S. debt-to-GDP ratio past 145% by 2050—an unprecedented level for a peacetime economy. While proponents insist that higher growth will mitigate the burden, the Tax Foundation’s dynamic scoring suggests the additional output will cover only a fraction of the revenue loss.

Friedman would insist that economic growth requires both lower taxes and leaner government. Krugman would counter that social stability and productivity demand sustained public investment. Stockman would argue that the entire paradigm—borrowing trillions to finance giveaways—has become a bipartisan racket. Despite their ideological divergences, all three would agree that the arithmetic is merciless. Eventually, debts must be serviced, entitlements must be funded, and the dollar’s credibility must be defended.

What remains is the question of public memory. In the years ahead, as interest payments rise and fiscal constraints tighten, politicians will doubtless blame one another for the bill’s consequences. The narrative will fracture along familiar lines: Republicans will claim the tax cuts were sabotaged by spending; Democrats will argue the spending was hobbled by tax cuts. Independents will declare that neither side ever intended to balance the books. But the numbers, as Friedman and Krugman and Stockman all understood in their own ways, are immune to spin.

There is an old line, attributed variously to Keynes and to an anonymous Treasury mandarin, that the markets can remain irrational longer than you can remain solvent. Perhaps, in this case, Washington can remain irrational longer than the public can remain attentive. But eventually, the bill will come due—not only the legislation signed on Independence Day, but the larger bill for decades of self-deception.

A big, beautiful bill indeed. And perhaps, in the fullness of time, an even bigger, less beautiful reckoning.

Key Elements of the Bill

  • Permanent tax cuts (≈ $4.5 trillion): Extends nearly all parts of Trump’s 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, including individual rate brackets, expanded standard deduction, plus new deductions—no taxes on tips/overtime (through 2028), boosted SALT deduction ($40k cap for five years), larger child/senior credits, plus expansions like auto loan interest write-offs and “Trump Accounts” for parents apnews.com+15ft.com+15crfb.org+15.
  • Major spending cuts: $1–1.2 trillion in savings via Medicaid cuts (work requirements, provider taxes), SNAP/state cost-shifts, rollback of clean energy incentives .
  • Increased enforcement and defense: $150 B added to defense, another $150 B+ for border/ICE enhancements; ICE funding grows tenfold – now largest federal law enforcement budget .
  • Debt-ceiling hike: Allows a $4–$5 trillion statutory increase in borrowing authority as.com+3en.wikipedia.org+3reuters.com+3.

📊 Economic & Fiscal Outlook

🏛️ Congressional Budget Office (CBO)

🏦 CRFB & Budget Advocates

  • Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) puts the Senate’s reconciliation version at $4.1 trillion added debt through 2034—and warns a permanent version could add $5.3–5.5 trillion en.wikipedia.org.
  • CRFB also flags that Social Security and Medicare’s projected insolvency deadlines are now accelerated by roughly one year .

🧮 Tax Foundation

  • Estimates that permanent tax measures could yield a +1.2% GDP boost over the long run, but also slash federal revenue by $4 trillion (dynamically)—meaning growth would only cover ~19% of the revenue loss en.wikipedia.org+15en.wikipedia.org+15reuters.com+15.
  • Shorter-term growth boost around +0.6% by 2027, but turns mildly negative (–0.1%) by 2034 once fiscal constraints bite taxfoundation.org.

🌍 International Outlook (Moody’s, Reuters)

💬 Media & Policy Experts

  • Reuters warns of a “debt spiral,” with rising interest costs jeopardizing Fed independence .
  • FT, Washington Post, The Guardian, The Economist describe it as the largest GOP tax/deficit expansion since Reagan, dubbing it a “reverse Robin Hood”—favoring corporations and wealthy over vulnerable groups .
  • Economists at Yale, Penn warn severe health-care cuts could increase preventable mortality and financial distress en.wikipedia.org+1ft.com+1.

🔍 Bottom Line Summary

MetricEstimate
Deficit Increase (2025–34)$3.3–4.1 T (CBO: ≈ $3.4T; CRFB Senate: ≈ $4.1T)
Debt-to-GDP TrajectoryRising, potentially 145–200% by 2050
GDP Growth Impact+0.6% by 2027, fading to –0.1% by 2034
Revenue Loss~$4–5 T over a decade (dynamic)
Insured Loss & Social Costs~11 M fewer insured; Medicaid/SNAP and health impacts significant
  • Neutral consensus: Deficit historians, nonpartisan agencies agree debt will balloon sharply in absence of offsetting revenues or spending reversals.
  • Growth trade-off: While tax relief offers modest short-term growth, it does not offset long-run fiscal burdens.
  • Debt consequences: Higher mandatory interest costs, credit rating erosion, pressure on policy flexibility, and future tax hikes or spending cuts loom.

🧠 Final Take

Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” delivers sweeping tax cuts, spending reductions in social safety nets, and major border/defense expansions—all rolled into one 940-page, $4–5 trillion fiscal package. Bipartisan institutions like the CBO, CRFB, Tax Foundation, and independent watchdogs align on its massive impact:

  1. Adds trillions to the deficit, sharply escalating national debt.
  2. Offers modest, short-term output gains, but risks longer-term economic drag.
  3. Amplifies fiscal risk, stokes interest burden, and could strain future budgets.
  4. Contains explicit regressive elements—favoring higher-income households and corporations over lower-income families and health-care access.

Here are the three writers whose vantage points are considered:

1️⃣ Conservative / Republican

Milton Friedman

Why he stands out:

  • Nobel Prize–winning economist and prolific writer whose work shaped modern conservative and libertarian economic thought.
  • Champion of free markets, limited government, and monetarism (the idea that controlling the money supply is key to managing the economy).
  • His books and columns influenced Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher and remain foundational in debates about taxes, deficits, and regulation.
    Major Works:
  • Capitalism and Freedom (1962) – argued that economic freedom underpins political freedom.
  • Free to Choose (1980, with Rose Friedman) – a best-selling defense of deregulation, school vouchers, and lower taxes.
  • Columns for Newsweek and extensive public outreach (including the PBS series Free to Choose).

2️⃣ Liberal / Progressive

Paul Krugman

Why he stands out:

  • Nobel Prize–winning economist and prominent columnist who shaped liberal economic commentary from the 1990s onward.
  • A sharp critic of supply-side tax cuts, deregulation, and austerity.
  • Influential in Democratic policy debates on stimulus spending, inequality, and health care.
    Major Works:
  • The Conscience of a Liberal (2007) – traced the rise of inequality and made a moral case for progressive taxation and social insurance.
  • End This Depression Now! (2012) – argued forcefully for Keynesian stimulus after the Great Recession.
  • Columns in The New York Times, where he has been one of the most-read voices on economic policy.

3️⃣ Independent / Centrist

David Stockman

Why he stands out:

  • Former Reagan budget director who later became an iconoclastic critic of both parties’ fiscal excesses.
  • He helped design the Reagan tax cuts, but later turned against supply-side orthodoxy and big deficits.
  • His writings blend libertarian skepticism of big government with scathing critiques of Wall Street bailouts and crony capitalism.
    Major Works:
  • The Triumph of Politics: Why the Reagan Revolution Failed (1986) – a landmark insider account of budget battles and exploding deficits.
  • The Great Deformation: The Corruption of Capitalism in America (2013) – an encyclopedic denunciation of central banking, stimulus, and fiscal irresponsibility.
  • Regular commentary and op-eds across financial and political publications (The New York Times, Zero Hedge, The Atlantic).